Sitting in the mist just north of the Eiger, Mönch, and
Jungfrau mountains in Wilderswil, I watched the momentary afternoon sun concede
to the onslaught of rain that soaked me earlier in the day. The dense fog erased the glaciers, then the
rocky crags, and then the nubile clouds dropped curtains of rain blocking
everything beyond the closest tree-line.
Shrouded in their watery vapor, these sentinel mountains vanished. Switzerland’s notoriety as a state of
discretion and secrecy was, in modern times, highly valued as the 1934 Swiss
Banking Act shielded countless assets from “enemies” of the Nazi state –
notably continental European corporate and Jewish deposits from occupied
countries. Secrecy and privacy as constitutional
rights under Article 13 of the Swiss Federal Constitution affords absolute
protection of citizens’ “private and family life”. Swiss banking and securities professionals
are prohibited from breaching confidential client information (Article 47 of
the Banking Act and Article 43 of the Federal Act on Stock Exchanges and
Securities Trading).
Swiss secrecy predated the scourge of Nazi Germany by
several hundred years. Swiss cantons
were both the sanctuary and crucible for 16th century religious
reformers who, together with their patrons, sought to move life and wealth to
safety in the mountain state. On the lam
arising from charges of ecclesiastical treason and heresy, Swiss resident John
Calvin opened the door to equitable usury which created an ethical loophole for
Protestant bankers to exploit. Catholic
and Protestant bankers alike all found this more expansive interpretation of
canonical sin desirable. Discretion
regarding the identities of their valued depositors during a period of religious
and political upheaval was a helpful corollary to solidify the Swiss primacy of
fiduciary secrecy.
Reminiscent of the conditions giving rise to Swiss secrecy in
the era of Calvin and Zwingli, and the codification of the same on the eve of
war, secrecy and treason have once again vaulted onto the awkward international
stage. The Swiss National Council just
rejected “Lex USA” – a bill that would have aligned Swiss rules with demands in
the U.S. Foreign Account Tax Compliance
Act (FATCA). While the U.S. will
undoubtedly pierce the Swiss veil to go after tax evaders (together with their
EU taxation counterparties), one cannot avoid the paradoxical timing of this
simmering conflict. The U.S. wants
disclosure of information from Swiss bankers at the same time it seeks to
prosecute information disclosure by Booz Allen Hamilton former employee turned
temporary Moscow airport resident Edward Snowden. Apparently the “self-evident Truths” version
of “truth” and “TRUTH” are not compatible.
If it serves the corporate objectives of Obama’s “powers that be”, then
we want as much information as possible.
If it could incriminate them for treasonous acts against the U.S.
national interests (like disclosing intelligence cover operations and covert
financing), then we want to lock-up the leaker.
Incoming National Security Advisor Susan Rice assured the
public that Snowden’s activities had “not weakened the President.” That’s true.
Given that many of the programs outlined in Snowden’s leaky goodie bag likely
predate this Administration, it’s reasonable to assume that Obama’s
Guantanamo-perpetuating, willy-nilly drone assassination reputation won’t be
further tarnished. Maybe she hasn’t been
fully briefed on what Defense Secretary Chuck Hagel and Joint Chiefs of Staff
General Martin Dempsey seem to know. But
in a time when the Internal Revenue Service is rushing to deal with damage
control on its identity targeting; with the President justifying violations to
fundamental Constitutional rights; and, with a runner in Moscow with secrets
that are either trivial or of dire consequence if leaked, I’m fascinated by the
myth and mystique of secrets.
What’s in a secret?
And why do we presume that they are a necessary component of the social
order? The notion that a democratic,
representational power – such as a country – can only secure itself through
opacity is oxymoronic. Undercover
representational government is somewhere between offensively elitist and fascist.
It is contrary to the principles of
commerce (willing buyers and sellers informed of all material facts), contract
(fully-informed counterparties), and community (consensus to an established,
stated order). There’s no surprise then
that it is fiduciary interests, not representational governments that need
secrecy. Our paternalistic lords know
that if they were operating in full transparency, neither they nor their
benefactors would enjoy the benign endorsement of the taxed and governed.
For Switzerland, there’s a fraction of 10.3% of its economy
derived from the financial sector (CHF 59.4 billion) that’s riding on
secrecy. For the U.S., there’s at least
that much or more riding on keeping the national defense and central
intelligence budget (and their contractors) secret. And for We The People, it may be time to
actually step into the light and break the tyrannical illusion that secrecy is
in our interest. As long as we espouse
its merits, we’re subject to its oppression and misuse. Prioritizing transparency and accountability
within ourselves and our communities will diminish the value of opacity. And lest I be misinterpreted, I’m not
suggesting that discretion and privacy need to be abandoned in inter-personal
relationships. But in positions of stewarded
power and accountability, secrecy should have no quarter for in its precinct
thrives treachery and treason which knows no rank, office, or distinction.
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Thank you for your comment. I look forward to considering this in the expanding dialogue. Dave