Excerpted from Golden Handcuffs - An Essay on Money
We've been indoctrinated to
eschew this conversation. And the reason
is quite simple. If you want to control
a society, the single best way to do so is to create an idol so inextricably
linked to everything so as not to invite the meddling examination of a
conscious mind at liberty. Make the idol
seemingly innocuous - maybe out of something entirely impermanent like paper -
so its gravity cannot be considered. Let
it be the seduction whereby parents first instill incentives for good behavior
or household chores with their children.
Encourage religions to use it as the agency of laudable values like
charity. Separate society between those
"with" and those "without" to instill the essential dogma
of scarcity and control. And before
long, power, greed, dominion and oppression become entirely justifiable based
on an alleged uniformity of perverted human 'nature'.
Let's get a few things straight. The notion that human beings can benefit from
representational artifacts which signify the conveyance of value - money - has
some practical utility. Yet why are we vaccinated
against challenging the consensus illusion we call money today? What would be so dangerous if people actually
remembered the obligations they've made and repaid them in appropriate form or
scale? It's appropriate to examine the
underpinnings of what we call "money" so that we can tell the
difference between community recognized stored value units and imposed agencies
of power, seduction, and control.
Money: Imperial State Succor
In the version of history
we promote to justify our incumbent systems, we see taxation and tribute as far
back as the first records of civilization on the fertile plains of the Tigris
and Euphrates and the Nile Delta. As
with all systems, the impulse for perpetual growth gives rise to the expediency
of subterfuge schemes promoted as efficient or in the public interest. After a certain scale, a conqueror can no
longer consume the fruit of the land and the product of labor and, refusing to
discern sufficiency or enough, dictates monetary tax and tribute to fund
greater expeditionary tyranny. Far from
responding to the exigencies of seasonal value storage, money served as a means
of anonymizing both production and the producer. And the more imperial the impulse, the more
important the control of mintage. After
all, it's not just gold or silver - it's gold and silver imprinted with the
visage of the deity.
Building absolute reliance
on state-controlled money serves as the most efficient basis for taxation. Anytime money moves, its movement can trigger
a moment to reinforce the hegemony of the state. Whether it is perpetual indenture by
citizenship or reification of trade and the restraint thereof, nothing serves
incumbent power as pervasively as the control - and the assent of the
controlled - of money.
Barely a century after the
American colonies revolted against what they saw as the tyrannical British
impulse to levy taxes for the explicit purpose of maintaining an occupying
military force they turned to taxation regime to pay for the Civil War. The consolidation of the banking and monetary
system in 1913 with the formation of the Federal Reserve was accompanied by the
16th Amendment to the U.S. Constitution which gave Congress the authority to
levy taxes and paved the way for the financing of a century of World Wars. And to be sure, in their haste to impose
income tax, the government came to the painful realization that taxing to
excess those who were wealthy was a risky proposition. With general taxation came massive
concessions to the extremely wealthy who, if willing to participate in the
encumbrance of the general population, would be given the capability to shield
their wealth through tax deferral and outright avoidance. It is no surprise that money - not personal
character and integrity - define the players on the political landscape in much
of the Occidental world.
Emancipation from the
monetary addiction is the ultimate act of liberty and, when suggested or
practiced, is met with fear from the enslaved and suppression by the threatened
state. The mere suggestion that one can
act and engage in community and elect to give and receive value that is not
denominated is received as treason both by the oppressor and the
oppressed.
Money: Network Intelligence
Through the contrivance of
monetary unit reductionism, agencies of control can understand the associations
of people and their engagements. One of
the primary uses of the not for profit
corporate designation is to provide governments the capacity to know who is
supporting what. On taxation forms,
itemized deductions for charitable contributions, certain educational or
business expenses and the like provide intrusion in the name of
"savings". Monetary and
taxation authorities are relentless in their insistence of representing all
human exchanges in their monetary equivalent in part to extract tariffs but
equally for the intelligence of association that such exchanges represent.
Value for human exchanges
of physical reality or services and experience are assumed to be reducible to a
monetary quantification. This taxation
of ephemeral value - an innovation of the Napoleonic accounting schemes in the
early 1800s (also to pay for war) - encroaches into numerous social
experiences. Illusions of appreciation
of monetary value of physical artifacts (like real estate) are used to
manipulate national economies and provide socialized subsidies for certain
sectors (like banks and insurers).
Equally, illusions of depreciation encourage consumerism and extinction
of natural resources - another subtle socialized subsidy for industrial
producers. We're not encouraged to
discuss either of these illusions nor the masters they serve as doing so could
destabilize entrenched interests.
Money: Agency of Separation
We're bombarded with
statistics (counting money) telling us of massive asymmetry in monetary wealth
between strata of society and between nation states. "Rich" - measured by horded
retention of profit vs. "Poor" measured by the absence of horded reserves
are ubiquitous distinctions that are recklessly reinforced by incumbent and
anarchist alike. Ironically, the
unconsidered nature of the very notion of profit is the manifestation of this
agency of separation.
And after all, what is
profit? Profit can be an excessive rent
charged by one party over the cumulative cost to provide a good or service to
another in which case a premium is demanded by the purveyor of said good or
service. Alternatively it can serve as
an explicit metric of the failure to account for the true cost of the
production of a good or service. And in
both cases, incentives for perverse separation are inextricably bound. From Adam Smith to Karl Marx, the neglect of
the planet and its inhabitants are intrinsic to the odious addiction to
profit. If, for example, I am an
industrialist seeking a consumer base, my objective is to pay for resources and
compensate labor at the marginal rate that allows the earth and laborer to
barely make it with just enough excess income to buy what I want them to
have. The more I can reinforce the
perception of scarcity or the illusiveness of my offering, the more I can
appeal to the aspirational identification that inspires indebted
consumption. In the best of all worlds,
I can price my product just beyond the transactional cost that would be deemed
"affordable" so that I can charge additional rent (in the form of
financing) to actually extract greater than market value in the form of
interest.
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