I find it fascinating that
in the hundreds of pages of provisions set forth in the Trans-Pacific
Partnership Agreement (TPP), the one token request from Chile - to secure the
name "Pisco" for their signature drink the way France got Champagne -
was opposed by Australia, the United States, Peru, New Zealand, Vietnam,
Singapore, Malaysia, Brunei, Mexico, Canada and Japan.
What a terrible day to be
the trade negotiator from Chile.
"Listen Eduardo, we
know that we're going to have pharmaceutical, agrochemical, and digital rights
from the U.S. shoved down our throats so at least get us our signature drink
protected!", Chile's President said as the trade delegation was leaving
Santiago.
"Si, El
Presidente," Eduardo nodded beaming from ear-to-ear with his chance to do
his country proud.
… followed by….
"Um, El Presidente, the
U.S. got Mickey Mouse protected for 120 years and got to extend the copyright
for phonograms for 95 years - longer than their own law allows…"
"Yes, yes,
Eduardo," the President waited, "and what of our Pisco sours?"
"Well," Eduardo
cleared his throat and kicked his well worn shoes into the pavement, "it
doesn't look good."
If you listened to President
Obama and Congressional leaders this week, you heard that the United States was
urgently seeking to conclude a vital piece of trade legislation paving the way
for the TPP. Senate Bill 995 also known
as the Bipartisan Congressional Trade Priorities and Accountability Act of 2015
(CTPA) allegedly will boost the U.S. export market for its goods and
services. Supported by the American
Association of Port Authorities, the National Council of Textile Organizations,
the U.S. Business Coalition for TPP, Honeywell, and others, Congress feigned
opposition long enough to attempt to placate labor momentarily only then to
give the President most of what he wanted.
To date, we don't have a lot of visibility into what the TPP includes
but, from the CTPA, we can get a great clue as to the identities who have
shaped it.
Leading off the list of
campaign contributors would be U.S. pharmaceutical companies. In the copy of the TPP published by Wikileaks
last year, the leading provisions for trade enforcement begin with specified
protections for U.S. pharmaceuticals (§QQ.E.16) followed by agrochemicals
(§QQ.E.XXX) rounded out by recorded media and software (§QQ.G.1). The CTPA adds color to this list by
highlighting interests of U.S. industrial agriculture and about a dozen
specified industries. Under the TPP,
many protections afforded to U.S. exporters exceed the current U.S. legal
protections for commerce rights (patents, copyrights, trademarks and the like)
despite the fact that the CTPA clearly states that no trade agreement shall
have provisions that supersede U.S. law.
Apparently, what this means is that as long as it is as favorable or
more so to U.S. commercial interests, we're willing to impose our most greedy
position on other nations but if the inverse is the case, it's right out.
In the final analysis it's
clear that both the TPP and the Orrin Hatch / Paul Ryan sponsored CTPA are
evidence of the Executive and Legislative branches of government selling the
law for patronage. Wrapped in whimsical
nostalgia about creating U.S. employment, protecting the rights of workers, and
caring for the environment, a detailed reading of these documents (including
that unfortunate TPP §QQ.D.12 which screws Chile and its one drink of note),
shows that these efforts are purely protectionist. Changing the terms of copyrights, forcing the
recognition of U.S. pharmaceutical patent rights (including their term
extensions based on U.S. regulatory delays), and criminalizing IP theft while
allowing "traditional knowledge" abuses to be a best efforts
compliance is an affront to the principles of genuine competition.
The implications of TPP
abuses are not ephemeral. This past
week, I was the target of a very angry investor who alleged that I had
"ruined his retirement" by threatening the value of a stock in which
he held a sizable position. Early in the
week, M∙CAM published a detailed report showing that the patents supporting the
drug Revlimid® made by Celgene were clearly subject to legitimate invalidity
findings. Making matters worse, just one
week earlier, the European Patent Office had arrived at the same
conclusion. The arrogance with which the
company dismissed this critical ruling and the U.S. market's contempt for the
European decision - with numerous analysts stating that the European decision
didn't matter because it had no bearing on the U.S. patent - was
disgusting. Never mind the fact that a
good friend of mine in Australia, suffering from a form of cancer for which
Revlimid® is indicated but for whom the drug is excluded by virtue
of the patent-inflated cost, faces a worse prognosis because of a patent system
abuse. By showing that Celgene had at
best exerted influence and at worst, outright mislead authorities, apparently I
was the reason why an investor was "ruined" - the same investor who
likely laments the cost of prescription drugs in the U.S. and has no knowledge
of the patent manipulation upon which his investment rides. In a TPP world, my Australian friend will be
even more likely to suffer and die so that my U.S. investor acquaintance can
get enriched. Stock chatrooms were
alight with suspicions that M∙CAM had been hired by a notable equity trader to
do a "hatchet job" paying NO attention to the facts of unfair
competition and systemic abuse.
I'm not naïve. I know that governments and corporations
collude now just like they have from the beginning of delegated
sovereignty. Furthermore, it has been
and remains the case that the economically and militarily powerful typically
get to make the rules that they get to impose on others. While I think that this is reprehensible, I
don't see many people seriously seeking to transform this reality. But what I find most tragic is the silent
assent We The People give to those who, after taking every advantage, still have
to cheat to win. While Congress talks
about staying competitive, our trade negotiators are still using the term
"phonograms" which signifies the state of awareness of the thinking
(or lack thereof) in those who craft and manipulate the rules.
Worst of all, in the
Commerce and Congressional activities around the TPP and the CTPA, we're
neglecting a profound problem. The
system of industrial drug addiction, genetically modified caloric production
(formerly known as agriculture), digital media hypnosis, and monotonic
industrial design has been leading to decreased economic status in the U.S.
middle class (to say nothing of the unemployed and uninsured lower class). The model of planned obsolescence - made
famous by industrial designer Brooks Stephens - has itself become
obsolete. And now, rather than calling
for a renaissance of quality and aesthetic improvement, we're merely placing
the rest of the world under the screws of a system that failed us. It may be the case that no one in the U.S. is
capable of waking from the hypnosis to architect a More Perfect Union but
certainly, someone in Australia, Chile,
Peru, New Zealand, Vietnam, Singapore, Malaysia, Brunei, Mexico, Canada or
Japan could wake up before this protectionist train-wreck is allowed to take
effect. Or maybe, just maybe, too many
have simply given up.
Cue the phonograph, pour
yourself a Pisco sour, and, in the waning moments that we have to actually do
something about these reckless abuses of ourselves and our Earth, consider
whether you wish to stand for a better tomorrow.
x