Happy 800th Birthday Magna Carta... how little we remember thee!
On this Runnymede Eve I
thought it would be helpful to reflect on the quality of thought evidenced by
the tract written by Secretary of the Treasury Alexander Hamilton in 1791. When you read this, realize that this was
Hamilton's explicit adaptation of the Magna Carta and the Charter
of the Forest in which he lays out his view that government should
create conditions favorable to, but not interfere with, the commerce of the
private sector. These excerpts are a
reminder of the quality of thought that framed the experiment of commerce in
trade which now is shrouded by present demagoguery in secrecy and opacity.
"To endeavor by
extraordinary patronage of Government, to accelerate the growth of
manufactures, is in fact, to endeavor, by force and art, to transfer the natural
current of industry, from a more to less beneficial channel." As you read this essay, think about
substituting "industrial" for "knowledge" economies and ask
yourself it we're closer to or further from The Grand (and failed)
Experiment. And when you are finished
with this blog post, reflect on how much easier my weekly prose lands in
contrast with the likes of Hamilton, Jefferson, and those we celebrate as our
greatest continental philosophers!
The expediency of encouraging manufactures in the
United States, which was not long since deemed very questionable, appears at
this time to be pretty generally admitted.
There still are, nevertheless, respectable patrons of
opinions, unfriendly to the encouragement of manufactures. The following are,
substantially, the arguments, by which these opinions are defended. "In
every country (say those who entertain them) Agriculture is the most beneficial
and productive object of human industry. This position, generally, if not
universally true, applies with peculiar emphasis to the United States, on
account of their immense tracts of fertile territory, uninhabited and
unimproved.” To endeavor by the
extraordinary patronage of Government, to accelerate the growth of
manufactures, is in fact, to endeavor, by force and art, to transfer the
natural current of industry, from a more to a less beneficial channel. Whatever
has such a tendency must necessarily be unwise. Indeed it can hardly ever be
wise in a government, to attempt to give a direction to the industry of its citizens.
This under the quicksighted guidance of private interest, will, if left to
itself, infallibly find its own way to the most profitable employment. If
contrary to the natural course of things, an unseasonable and premature spring
can be given to certain fabrics, by heavy duties, prohibitions, bounties, or by
other forced expedients; this will only be to sacrifice the interests of the
community to those of particular classes.”
It ought readily to be conceded, that the cultivation
of the earth - as the primary and most certain source of national supply - has
intrinsically a strong claim to pre-eminence over every other kind of industry.
But, that it has a title to any thing
like an exclusive predilection, in any country, ought to be admitted with great
caution. It might be observed that the
labour employed in Agriculture is in a great measure periodical and occasional,
depending on seasons, liable to various and long intermissions; while that
occupied in manufactures is constant and regular, extending through the year. Manufacturing establishments not only
occasion a positive augmentation of the Produce and Revenue of the Society, but
they contribute to rendering them greater than they could possibly be, without
such establishments. These circumstances are additional employment to classes
of the community not ordinarily engaged in the business. The promoting of
emigration from foreign Countries; the furnishing greater scope for the
diversity of talents and dispositions which discriminate men from each other;
the creating in some instances a new, and securing in all, a more certain and
steady demand for the surplus produce of the soil.
The objections to the pursuit of manufactures in the
United States, which next present themselves to discussion, represent an
impracticality of success, arising from three causes: scarcity of hands, dearness
of labor, and want of capital. With
regard to scarcity of hands, the fact itself must be applied with no small
qualification to certain parts of the United States. There are large districts,
which may be considered as pretty fully peopled. But
there are circumstances that materially diminish every where the effect of a
scarcity of hands. These circumstances are - the great use which can be made of
women and children - the vast extension given by late improvements to the
employment of machines, which substituting the Agency of fire and water, has
prodigiously lessened the necessity for manual labor. As soon as foreign artists shall be made
sensible that the state of things here affords a moral certainty of employment
and encouragement - competent numbers of European workmen will transplant
themselves, effectually to ensure the success of the design. The supposed want of Capital for the
prosecution of manufactures in the United States is the most indefinite of the
objections which are usually opposed to it. The introduction of Banks has a powerful
tendency to extend the active Capital of a Country. experience of the Utility
of these Institutions is multiplying them in the United States. It is probable
that they will be established wherever they can exist with advantage; and
wherever, they can be supported, if administered with prudence, they will add
new energies to all pecuniary operations. The aid of foreign Capital may safely, and,
with considerable latitude be taken into calculation. Its instrumentality has
been long experienced in our external commerce; and it has begun to be felt in
various other modes.
There remains to be noticed an objection to the
encouragement of manufactures, of a nature different from those which question
the probability of success. This is derived from its supposed tendency to give
a monopoly of advantages to particular classes at the expense of the rest of
the community. It is not an unreasonable
supposition, that measures, which serve to abridge the free competition of
foreign Articles, have a tendency to occasion the enhancement of prices; but
the fact does not uniformly correspond with the theory. A reduction of prices
has in several instances immediately succeeded the establishment of a domestic
manufacture. But though it were true, that the immediate
and certain effect of regulations controlling the competition of foreign with
domestic fabrics was an increase of prices, it is universally true, that the
contrary is the ultimate effect with every successful manufacture. When a
domestic manufacture has attained to perfection, and has engaged in the
prosecution of it a competent number of Persons, it invariably becomes cheaper.
There seems to be a moral certainty,
that the trade of a country which is both manufacturing and Agricultural will
be more lucrative and prosperous, that of a Country, which is, merely Agricultural.
The importation of manufactured supplies
seem invariably to drain the merely Agricultural people of their wealth. Previous to the revolution, the quantity of
coin, possessed by the colonies, which now compose the United States, appeared,
to be inadequate to their circulation; and their debt to Great Britain was
progressive.
Since the revolution, the States, in which
manufactures have most increased, have recovered fastest from the injuries of
the late War, and abound most in pecuniary resources. It is not uncommon to meet with an opinion
that thought the promoting of manufactures may be the interest of a part of the
Union, it is contrary to that of another part. The northern & southern
regions are sometimes represented as having adverse interests in this respect.
Those are called Manufacturing, these Agricultural states; and a species of
opposition is imagined to subsist between the Manufacturing and Agricultural
interests. The idea of an opposition
between these two interests is the common error of the early periods of every
country, but experience gradually dissipates it. Ideas of a contrariety of interests between
the northern and southern regions of the Union, are in the Main as unfounded as
they are mischievous. The diversity of Circumstances on which such contrariety
is usually predicated, authorizes a directly contrary conclusion. Mutual wants
constitute one of the strongest links of political connection. If the northern and middle states should be
the principal scenes of such establishments, they would immediately benefit the
more southern, by creating a demand for productions.