In An Inquiry Into the Nature and
Causes of the Wealth of Nations, Adam Smith anticipated a reality I
encountered frequently this week while in Papua New Guinea.
"If the market is at a great distance from the residence
of those who supply it, they may sometimes be able to keep the secret for
several years together, and may so long enjoy their extraordinary profits
without any new rivals. Secrets of this kind, however, it must be acknowledged,
can seldom be long kept; and the extraordinary profit can last very little
longer than they are kept."
"Gold and silver, as they are naturally of the
greatest value among the richest, so they are naturally of the least value
among the poorest nations. Among savages, the poorest of all nations, they are
scarce of any value".
In the 238 years since his racist tract was published, I
find it extraordinary that neither the public nor private sector has elected to
challenge the core assumptions that underpin the callous inhumanity evidenced
in his essays. Smith's celebration of
the derogatory treatment of non-Occidental races (including his celebration of
the extermination of local communities for the theft of their land's resources)
enjoys the same benign neglect now as in the slave trading heyday of his
contemporary thought. Smith could not
point to a single colonial trade success that did not rely on theft of land
from its inhabitants and slavery or near-slave labor. With explicit disregard for his celebrated
"labor" and "rent" calculus, we continue to persist in
economic models that require the same inhumanity in 2014 as they did in the
middle eighteenth century.
Over the past 5 years, I've engaged in public inquiries into
the wholesale corruption of several mining and energy companies around the
world. Some of the more recent cases in
which I've been engaged have enjoyed promotion by international investor and 'development' advocates that bear more similarity to white
supremacists in the era of the slave trade than to an economic development
promotion agency. Echoing the mercenary
advocacy of a celebrated Fellow of State, Society & Governance in Melanesia at Australian National University, Mr. Anthony Regan LLB,
architect of the most recent blight on the colonial legacy of Australia, the
Commonwealth and the United Nations, advocates for continued expropriation ignore what Adam Smith observed regarding the very pursuit they promote.
"Of all those
expensive and uncertain projects, however, which bring bankruptcy upon the
greater part of the people who engage in them, there is none, perhaps, more perfectly
ruinous than the search after new silver and gold mines. It is, perhaps, the
most disadvantageous lottery in the world, or the one in which the gain of
those who draw the prizes bears the least proportion to the loss of those who
draw the blanks; for though the prizes are few, and the blanks many, the common
price of a ticket is the whole fortune of a very rich man. Projects of mining,
instead of replacing the capital employed in them, together with the ordinary
profits of stock, commonly absorb both capital and profit. They are the
projects, therefore, to which, of all others, a prudent lawgiver, who desired
to increase the capital of his nation, would least choose to give any
extraordinary encouragement, or to turn towards them a greater share of that
capital than what would go to them of its own accord. Such, in reality, is the
absurd confidence which almost all men have in their own good fortune, that
wherever there is the least probability of success, too great a share of it is
apt to go to them of its own accord."
"But though the
judgment of sober reason and experience concerning such projects has always
been extremely unfavourable, that of human avidity has commonly been quite
otherwise. The same passion which has suggested to so many people the absurd
idea of the philosopher's stone, has suggested to others the equally absurd one
of immense rich mines of gold and silver. They did not consider that the value
of those metals has, in all ages and nations, arisen chiefly from their
scarcity, and that their scarcity has arisen from the very small quantities of
them which nature has anywhere deposited in one place, from the hard and
intractable substances with which she has almost everywhere surrounded those
small quantities, and consequently from the labour and expense which are
everywhere necessary in order to penetrate, and get at them."
When universities and foundations divested shareholdings in
Apartheid South Africa, the foundation of racism was dealt an important blow in
that country. By disrupting share
capital invested in racist companies, the economics of oppression became less
desirable and the seeds of integration were planted. Why student activists in Australia and across
the Commonwealth don't rise up to give voice to their neighbors to the north in
Papua New Guinea where mine after mine despoils land and civilization is
perplexing. Consider Adam Smith's
offhand observation in 1776 which is the premise for policy today: "The colony of a civilized nation which takes
possession either of a waste country, or of one so thinly inhabited that the
natives easily give place to the new settlers, advances more rapidly to wealth
and greatness than any other human society." Now ask yourself: If my country's economic success is
predicated on such sociopathic a foundation, wouldn't it be in my moral and
ethical interest to loudly advocate for change?
Most pernicious in Papua New Guinea is the degree to which
the national law is neglected even when adjudicated in accordance with commonly
accepted standards. In 2013, the
National Court of the country found that New Guinea Gold (TSX-V: NGG; audited by Brisbane's Lawler Hacketts Audit) had
illegally obtained mining leases and, as a result, were not lawfully authorized
to conduct gold mining or sales in the country.
Not only did they continue to operate with impunity but no securities
regulator batted an eye at material misrepresentations falsifiable with public
press. When landowners sought
enforcement of the law, the company appealed to and received police
protection for their illegal activities. For years, St. Barbara (current corporate
cover for its predecessor Allied Gold) operated without a legal Memorandum of
Agreement conforming to the laws of Papua New Guinea. Neither they nor their auditors - KPMG - nor
any securities regulator have ever concerned themselves with their blatant
disregard for the 1992 Mining Act that governs their behavior. In the face of the Provincial and National
government's allegations of numerous serious civil and criminal acts, St
Barbara persists under the accommodation of government officials and agencies
who have been notified, in writing, that the company's behavior fails to
conform to the laws they're sworn to uphold.
When countries are rated for
their corruption, governance, or rule-of-law, I would strongly advocate the
applications of those self-same ratings on the multi-national corporations
acting within their borders. After
all, no bribe has ever materialized from the ether. Corruption only proliferates where illicit
advantage is sought for personal gain.
Which brings me back to my opening quote from Adam
Smith. "If the market is at a great distance
from the residence of those who supply it, they may sometimes be able to keep
the secret for several years together, and may so long enjoy their extraordinary
profits without any new rivals. Secrets of this kind, however, it must be
acknowledged, can seldom be long kept; and the extraordinary profit can last
very little longer than they are kept."
What have kept profitable the
abuse of Papua New Guinea and its citizens are secrets and distance. In August of 2013, I sent a letter detailing
a series of material misstatements made by Bougainville Copper Ltd and Rio
Tinto - audited by PricewaterhouseCoopers - to regulators in Australia, the
U.K., and the U.S. along with numerous extractive industry associations. I was particularly intrigued to receive, from
one regulator, the response that compliance was impractical because of the
great distance the regulator was from the wrongful behavior. And, if we were subject to the fates of Adam
Smith's wind-driven masted ships and scurvy, I suspect that this justification
for flagrant abuse would have some quarter.
However we now have cameras on the ground that can record corruption and
post it to YouTube. We now have
communications infrastructure that can afford crystal clear communication
between anywhere and any other where.
Anonymous tyranny can now be met with identified accountability. But all of this is meaningless if we continue
to act with the insensitivity befitting an 18th century bigot.
I was delighted to see the growing resolve among some public
servants and elected officials to hold open the possibility that, a generation
after nominal independence from Australia's custody imposed by the
international community after the Second World War, some embers of sovereignty
may be taking flame. And who knows,
Australia (if acting in an ethical manner) may offer the world an example of
Adam Smith's most impossible proposition.
No nation ever
voluntarily gave up the dominion of any province, how troublesome soever it
might be to govern it, and how small soever the revenue which it afforded might
be in proportion to the expense which it occasioned. Such sacrifices, though
they might frequently be agreeable to the interest, are always mortifying to
the pride of every nation; and, what is perhaps of still greater consequence,
they are always contrary to the private interest of the governing part of it,
who would thereby be deprived of the disposal of many places of trust and
profit, of many opportunities of acquiring wealth and distinction, which the
possession of the most turbulent, and, to the great body of the people, the
most unprofitable province, seldom fails to afford. The most visionary
enthusiasts would scarce be capable of proposing such a measure, with any
serious hopes at least of its ever being adopted. If it was adopted, however, Great Britain would not only be immediately
freed from the whole annual expense of the peace establishment of the colonies,
but might settle with them such a treaty of commerce as would effectually
secure to her a free trade, more advantageous to the great body of the people,
though less so to the merchants, than the monopoly which she at present enjoys.
By thus parting good friends, the natural affection of the colonies to the
mother country, which, perhaps, our late dissensions have well nigh
extinguished, would quickly revive. It might dispose them not only to respect,
for whole centuries together, that treaty of commerce which they had concluded
with us at parting, but to favour us in war as well as in trade, and instead of
turbulent and factious subjects, to become our most faithful, affectionate, and
generous allies; and the same sort of parental affection on the one side, and
filial respect on the other, might revive between Great Britain and her
colonies, which used to subsist between those of ancient Greece and the mother
city from which they descended.
Imagine how many on both sides of the Coral Sea would thusly
be freed!
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